In 2020 an Istanbul court convicted Yucel of “incitement to hatred” and spreading “terrorist propaganda” and sentenced him in absentia to two years and nine months in prison. The ECHR ruled in Yucel’s favor on January 25, finding that his pretrial imprisonment in an earlier case violated his human rights. While the law does not prohibit particular books or publications, court decisions resulted in bans for distribution or sale of certain books and periodicals. The Press Advertisement Board, which has the authority to impose advertising bans, amended the Press Ethics guidelines in July. Bookstores did not carry books by some opposition political figures.

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By law if the victim of abuse is between the ages of 12 and 18, molestation results in a sentence of three to eight years in prison, sexual abuse in a sentence of eight to 15 years’ imprisonment, and rape in a sentence of at least 16 years’ imprisonment. If the victim is younger than 12, conviction of molestation results in a minimum sentence of five years’ imprisonment, conviction of sexual abuse a minimum of 10 years’ imprisonment, and conviction of rape a minimum of 18 years’ imprisonment. A 2021 report in BMC Women’s Health based on interviews in Istanbul found that religious factors played the leading role in women’s choice of a particular family planning method, with less religious women more likely to choose modern contraception methods.

In January, a cochair of the HRA, Ozturk Turkdogan, was charged with “membership in a terrorist organization” , insulting the Turkish state, and insulting Minister of Interior Soylu. In a January 20 press release, the HRA reported that Turkdogan’s statements calling for PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan to be granted access to lawyers and family visitors were cited as evidence for the terrorism charge. The insult charges stem from the association’s statements recognizing the Armenian genocide (“insulting the state”) and accusing Minister Soylu of mishandling the Gara hostage hepays net singles rescue incident in February 2021. The association noted this was the first time since the 1990s that its cochair was targeted with criminal suits. After the HRA released a statement calling for government accountability regarding the failed Gara hostage rescue operation, Minister Soylu called it “that cursed association” and falsely accused it of not condemning killings of civilians by terrorist organizations. The HDP blamed intensified government rhetoric linking the HDP with PKK terrorism for provoking armed attacks on HDP offices, including three attacks in 2021.

Human rights organizations reported police allegedly tortured or otherwise mistreated detainees, and in some cases their legal representatives, from the June 26 Istanbul Pride March. Police detained 373 march participants, including 34 minors, and brought them to the Istanbul Security Directorate to provide statements. Before reaching the security directorate, detainees were reportedly kept in buses for hours with their hands cuffed behind their back, while their requests for food, water, and sanitary facilities were denied.

The government operated a nationwide domestic violence hotline, and a web application called the Women Emergency Assistance Notification System , which provides women with a hotline to report domestic violence. In July KADES stated that since its inception in 2018, it had received more than 355,000 reports of gender-based violence; this figure means that on average 243 women reported experiencing violence daily. NGOs asserted the quality of services provided in response to calls was inadequate for survivors of domestic violence and that women were at times directed to mediation centers or told to reconcile with their husbands. The HRA reported that its members have collectively faced more than 5,000 legal suits since the group’s establishment, of which more than 129 were active at year’s end. The HRA also reported that four of its executives and members were in prison.

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As more people — particularly white dudes who were the objects of this pointed attraction — started calling out these profiles for their blatant racism, the less and less “whites only” appeared. That’s not to say there still aren’t people who, bafflingly, think that it’s OK to write that in a profile, but it seems less prevalent these days. The ethnicity feature in these apps — either built into the operating system or a bonus benefit that came with an additional subscription fee — allowed users to search for people by race, as narrowly defined by the app creators.

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Domestic human rights organizations, bar associations, political opposition figures, international human rights groups, and others reported that government agents engaged in threats, mistreatment, and possible torture of some persons while in custody. Individuals with alleged affiliation with the PKK or the Gulen movement were more likely to be subjected to mistreatment, abuse, or possible torture. After years of being called out for discrimination by Black and POC users, gay dating apps Grindr, Scruff, and Jack’d have pledged to remove the ethnicity filters on their applications as dedications to “fight racism.” Dating apps have long allowed users to pay for features to refine matches, including the ability to filter by race.

According to Committee to Protect Journalists reporting, during the state of emergency from 2016 to 2018, the government cancelled nearly 2,000 press cards and another 1,400 in 2020. In April 2021, the Council of State, the country’s top administrative court, ruled against the 2018 press card regulation that expanded government authority to cancel press accreditation cards. The court ruled that the regulation specified grounds for press card cancellation, such as “conduct against the public order or national security” and “behaviors that damage the professional dignity of journalism,” that were arbitrary and ambiguous. Since the ruling, the press cards of 9,115 journalists were renewed, 1,371 have not been renewed, 1,238 press cards were revoked, and the evaluation process of approximately 200 journalists was still underway. The Committee to Protect Journalists reported that attacks on journalists were rarely prosecuted.

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At the time of writing, the 350 votes showed 53% believe it’s a “good thing”, 13% say it’s a “bad thing”, and 34% say “it’s complicated”. Critics also believe the issue runs deeper than the action of deleting a preference filter. I live in a very diverse city and yet without the filter my feed is a constant stream of white men. It was the same on Bumble until I started auto-swiping left on EVERY white guy, only then did I start to see a decent number of MOC. Eddie is a professional photographer & dating coach based in San Francisco, servicing clients in NYC, LA, Chicago, London, Sydney & beyond. Excessive piercings and tattoos can be a big turn-off for some people.

I’m open to other cultures and races so I do also browse Open to all and try to match with other women, but I haven’t had as much success as I did with those 2 filters. Some people prefer blondes but more men prefer brunettes on average. Similarly, with hair length, some men have a preference for one or the other but if a women looks better with shorter hair, most men don’t care. Just because someone will date you or hookup with you doesn’t mean they can overlook your political choices when considering a relationship. Similarly, knowing what really is a preference rather than a deal-breaker will greatly increase available profiles to you. One particular app has many Asian people on the platform and can be sometimes used to satisfy these strong preferences.

Wade also points out that people who block out people of color with an ethnicity filter are not somehow only rendered visible to white people, which could then lead them to perpetrate “overt” or “covert” discriminatory acts when responding. He does note that if, by removing these filters, “the frequency with which POC are subject to erotic objectification” is reduced, then it could actually be worthwhile. While plenty of people have “a type” when it comes to dating, the researchers found that filtering for race also let “people feel free to express their biases and racial misogyny towards women of color in a way they typically wouldn’t in a face-to-face encounter,” Lundquist said. The authors found that racial filtering on mating forums exposed black women to more exclusion and rejection than white, Latina and Asian female daters. Black women were the most likely to be excluded from searches, as well as the most likely recipients of offensive messages.

Grindr is the world’s largest gay social network, a.k.a. the dating app for gay casual sex. It’s available in 192 countries and is location-based, so anywhere you are, you can log in, meet someone near you and then chat, send pics or do whatever else you want to do, consensually. AYI is a fast growing dating app with over 20 million singles registered on it. You have the option of registering by email or Facebook and can narrow down your search immensely to include interests and traits you’d like to see in the other person. So, for instance, if a user had matched with white users repeatedly in the past, the algorithm was more likely to suggest more white people as “good matches” moving forward. A new study out of Cornell University suggests that dating app algorithms don’t do us any favors as far as sexual racism goes.

Clark, a 26-year-old urban contemporary choreographer, told The Post his brush with racism ultimately got him banned from a leading dating app. The authors found that black women on matchmaking platforms must frequently contend with racist stereotypes such as the sexually insatiable “Jezebel,” which has roots in slavery, and the “angry black woman” — a belief that black women are innately unruly and ill-tempered. Nicole and other black daters who’ve endured racist attitudes while online dating declined to share their full names with The Post for privacy reasons.

Observers considered a significant number of the individuals detained on terrorism or other charges to be political prisoners, particularly when charges stemmed from affiliation with the Gulen movement or journalistic work, a position the government disputed. Courtroom proceedings were generally public except for cases involving children as defendants. In some politically sensitive cases, judges restricted access to Turkish lawyers only, limiting the ability of domestic or international groups to observe some trials.